About Me

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Welcome to my world. I'm Tricia Gloria Nabaye, on a mission to advocate for gender equality, human rights, and democratic governance through the lens of feminist intersectional practices. With nine years of experience, I've honed my skills to be a force for positive change. My strengths lie in problem-solving and effective cross-cultural collaboration, and I thrive in leadership roles. My analytical perspective ensures that my advocacy is data-driven and impactful. My primary focus is on feminist leadership consulting, where I provide valuable insight and guidance. I also offer rapporteur services, ensuring that essential discussions are documented and shared. As a feminist researcher, my deep commitment lies in addressing gender issues, empowering women and girls, and advancing public policy advocacy. I'm a visionary dedicated to shaping the future of advocacy with a strong focus on human rights. Join me in our journey to drive positive change. Together, we can build a world where gender equality and human rights are at the forefront, ensuring a more inclusive and just society for all.

Monday, September 09, 2019

CIVIC EDUCATION IS NEEDED TO PREPARE UGANDANS FOR THE 2021 GENERAL ELECTIONS.


Uganda has held four national general elections, but from the 2001 general elections, the elections have been characterised by cases of extreme violence, obscene use of money and the results have been contested in the courts of law. The recent highlight being the Amama Mbabazi Vs Museveni and Ors Presidential Petition No 1 of 2016 which ended with electoral reform recommendations that government needed to adopt in an effort to find solutions to the overarching issues in the electoral life of Uganda.
Ahead of the 2021 general elections key highlights need to be made on the heightened insecurity and an increased level of suspicion among Ugandans today. There is an increase in curtailing dissenting voices. The down spiral of the safety of Ugandans has heightened the levels of apathy and uncertainty in the democratic processes of Uganda and their role in fostering change for Ugandans.
It begs the question, what is the hope for democratic practises after the 2021 general elections? The 2016 general elections had 37% Ugandans who were first time voters, hopeful in participating in a free and fair election, a large number of Ugandans were left disappointed and skeptic of the ability of the vote to deliver change in governance. The 2016 general elections and by-elections were characterised by heavy military deployment, arbitrary arrests of opposition members and grave violence and death that has planted seeds of fear in the electorate.
The by-elections highlighted grave incidences of violence and deaths as witnessed in the Bugiri, Jinja and Arua by-elections. In view of the continued declined in the safety caps for Ugandans to fall back on within the constitution, with the removal of the term limits in 2005 and the age limit in 2018 it is no wonder that the hope of change through the ballot is illusionary in nature and in thought, I dare say.
 The Local Council elections brought a fall back in the forward movement of the electoral system of Uganda with the lining-up methodology of voting, a trend that had been removed in favour of the secret ballot which guarantees one’s safety in choosing their leaders.
Against such a back drop, democracy is on the litmus paper and it is the mandate of every Ugandan to protect the constitution, rule of law and democracy ahead of the 2021 general elections and going forward. We need to strike a balance in offering constructive criticism to the government and state actors without the fear of being witch-hunted, imprisoned or tortured. 
It is the mandate of the people to hold their leaders accountable and come to a place of common understanding on how their leadership is fostering change and development within society. Through voting, Ugandans can have a tool that can help them hold their leaders accountable and responsible in pushing for sustainable development within the communities. Therefore, if room for dialogue and criticisms continues to be curtailed, the anger that is building up and the continued lack of faith in the electoral systems and governance structures is going to suffer the democratic practises whose alternatives are not without a call for violence.
The role of civil society organisations and political leaders then, is to actively engage in civic education and prepare the masses ahead of the 2021 general elections and beyond, to rally the citizens to show up and vote but also to prepare for life after the 2021 general elections.
Civic engagement should also be rallied around the electoral reforms in order to have Ugandans voice their concerns on what the reforms should reflect. These should be the safety caps in offering people measures and remedies for fair electoral systems and processes 
Ugandans need to use the availed safe spaces to lobby for reforms that reflect the voice of the people. The Citizen’s Electoral Reform Agenda of 2011 and the Citizen’s Compact are such documents that were crafted after consultations from the citizenry and they are a reflection of the consensus of the people on what remedies would be pertinent for the electoral systems of Uganda.
Tricia Gloria Nabaye

Research Fellow: Great Lakes Institute for Strategic Studies

Tuesday, July 30, 2019

THE TABLED ELECTORAL REFORMS CONTRADICT THE VOICE OF THE ELECTORATE


The Attorney General tabled the long awaited electoral reforms on the last day of the deadline accorded by the Supreme Court.  The electoral reforms have been a request of the electorate, civil society and political leaders far back as 2011.The Citizens Coalition for Electoral Democracy (CCEDU) forwarded the Citizen’s Electoral Reform Agenda (CERA) 2011 to parliament. In 2016, the Citizen’s compact on free and fair elections was forwarded to parliament as an outcome of consultative meetings held by civil society to capture the voice of the people on what electoral reforms where needed ahead of the 2016 general elections.

The tabled reforms by the Attorney General fall short in reflecting the voices of the people and the recommendations forwarded by the Supreme Court in the ruling of the Amama Mbabazi Vs Museveni and Ors Presidential petition of 2016.

The proposed amendments remedy issues in execution of multi-party politics, crossing the floor and the existence of independents. Many opposition politicians have accused the bill of being coined to target particular political members ahead of the 2021 general elections.  The under sight of such amendments is that a law passed to curtail particular individuals has a short span of relevance in regard to the time in politics for those it targets. Therefore, to ignore the agency presented in the CERA handbook and the Citizen’s Compact is to undermine the importance and timeliness of the electoral reforms.  These documents re-echoed and re-affirmed the position of Ugandans in regard to free and fair elections.

It is imperative that the reforms not only benefit the political parties but rather foster a renewal of faith for the electorate in the electoral process that is characterised by cynicisms, apathy and suspicion. Therefore, restoring the faith of the people in the credibility of the electoral commission to deliver free and fair elections is crucial.

Ahead of the 2021 general elections, the outcry of the electorate is in the need for; A credible voters’ register, an independent electoral commission in name and appointment, provision of a spending cap by passing the Election Campaign Bill 2018 that provides for the regulation of money spent during the campaigns, A ban on candidates caught in electoral malpractices from holding electoral positions or even participating and equal representation of candidates on all media platforms.

To that end as the electorate, we continue to call on government through the Attorney General’s office to amend the proposed reforms in order for them to represent the voice of the people forwarded in the CERA handbook, 2011 and in the Citizen’s compact on free and fair election, 2014 in line with the recommendations provided by the Supreme Court. Going forward, the voice of the people should always take primacy in the decisions that will come out of the 10th parliament in regard to the electoral reforms and any other constitutional amendment.

Friday, July 19, 2019

CURTAILING DISSENT: Can government Of Uganda create room for dissent?


Since the early 1990s, Uganda has been aspiring to develop a country premised on a backbone of democracy and rule of law. The making and adoption of the 1995 constitution was a reassertion of the principles of democracy, authority of the people and faith in the growing political space of Uganda. However, over time, the face of democracy has changed in Uganda and this has greatly manifested in the practice of Multi-Party politics. It is against such contention that issues on dissent beg attention for acknowledgment and redress thereof. 

This article’s emphasis is put on the highlights of digress in democratic practices in Uganda particularly expressed in the curtailment of dissent. The trends over time beg the question; can government against such a backdrop have room for criticism? 

In a country that professes adherence to democratic processes, there has been but a shadow of democratic legitimacy for the last 33 years of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime. The political environment has been characterized with extreme abuse of freedoms of expression, association, and assembly. A continued witch hunt of the opposition politicians and silencing voices of dissent of civic activists and civil society organizations is the character of discourse in Uganda.

Consequently, there is shrink of dissent in Uganda and until we address the dynamics of power and participation, the political arena of Uganda will continue to favor those in power which is a limit in the democracy and legitimacy in Uganda. 
In 1986, the NRM pushed for the Movement system as the alternative political system of governance with a dismissal of political party activities, in view that they were largely responsible for Uganda’s post-independence woes. Arguably, many multi-party politicians refused to join the Movement system which was seen as an NRM act to entrench itself in power. Under the Movement system, participatory democracy was curtailed, this made it hard for other multiparty systems to exist, and the argument was that everyone had to be under the movement system or cease participation in the political sphere of Uganda.
Blanket bans on political rallies and delegate conferences were commanded; the security forces played a partisan role in intervening and adjourning seminars, rallies, and meetings organized by the multiparty organizations. Today, in the multi-party dispensation, political parties still struggle to exist in the same political space with the National Resistance Movement. 

Cases of arbitrary and preventative arrests have become a new normal for opposition politicians and government critics in Uganda.  Security forces continue to use excessive force with impunity in their engagements with the opposition even in cases where violence is not necessary. The 48 hours detention is oftentimes violated and habitually, police has arrested opposition members without clear charges and arrest warrants; some have been whisked away by plain clothed officers to unknown destinations, only to resurface after a lot of pressure has been exerted from civil society groups and the people.
Security forces are openly participating in partisan politics, police continues to disband opposition party activities and justification has been a claim on failing to inform appropriate authorities or failing to seek permission for the events. In the event that permission was sought, police have disbanded these activities on grounds of “Order from above. The Constitutional Court ruled that Police had no powers to stop assemblies. However, in contempt of court, the police intimated that they will continue dispersing the rallies if they see it fit. The under sight for such directives is that these very requirements do not apply to the NRM party members who enjoy freedom of association

Use of legislation to stifle participation of the opposition; The Public Order Management Act (POMA) of 2013 has been greatly contested in its conception, interpretation, and implementation. The POMA was introduced following the “walk to work” protests that were spearheaded by the Activists for Change (A4C).  The POMA grants police wide discretionary powers over public and private gatherings. The interpretation of this law curtails participation of the opposition parties in the political liberties of Uganda and ultimately impedes on their freedom of association and assembly.
The Removal of the Presidential Age limit, allowing Mr. Museveni to run for office in 2021, checked the government and its institutions on dissent. The highly contested bill was passed with impunity; opposition leaders were on suspension and others on house arrests, there was heavy military deployment and intelligence agenciesevaded parliament. It was evident that the language for discourse in making decisions on democracy and governance had changed.
Use of government regulatory institutions to curtail access to information, and freedom of speech; The Uganda Communications Commission has on many occasions intercepted media houses from hosting particular opposition members. These media houses have also been threatened with closure failure to comply. There have been selective and arbitrary shutdowns of radio stations that are critical of the president and his government and oftentimes, opposition members have been arrested and pulled out of talk shows by the police. 

Civic activism is under attack in Uganda, anyone who speaks against the injustices of the government is charged with incitement of violence, sedition, treason and promoting sectarianism.  Dr. Stella Nyanzi, a research fellow at Makerere University Institute of Social Research (MISR) faces charges of “cyber-harassment” and “Offensive communication” for a Facebook post that was challenging the misrule of the president. Dr. Nyanzi is still in prison as she prepares her defense in a case on cyber harassment of the president.
Characteristic of these cases is that they never end; many opposition politicians and activists have backlogged cases in court that show no hope of being heard or dismissed  that are kept on record to deter ease of participation in the political life of Uganda.
Government has set violence as the language of discourse in dealing with diverging views. During the highly contested Age limit bill, police raided many offices of civil society organizations spoke against the bill, their financial accounts were frozen and to this day, no clear explanation has been given other than alleged “illicit transaction” and “subversive activities”. 
Redress needs to be put in addressing the continued suppression of dissenting views that suffers legitimacy. It begs the question; cangovernment make room for dissent and dialogue on issues that burden the political space of Uganda?
It is imperative for government to restructure and pave way for dialogue and democratic processes. Dialogue is a prerequisite to building consensus between the government and the different stakeholders. Thereforeembracing dissent becomes crucial because the game of governance is run on dialogue and compromise.

The Inter-Religious Council of Uganda IRCU and The Elders Forum of Uganda invited the Government to participate in the ongoing Uganda National Dialogue Process. It is in this faith, that government choosing to participate in dialogue will set precedence to its objectivity in working towards consensus on issues that have for so long created tensions, mistrust, and suspicion between the people and the government.
It is also in this hope that the Government will work towards legitimacy and rule of law to impede impunity and create room for a healthy opposition which is necessary for democracy to thrive by providing checks on the excesses of the ruling party.

Research Fellow: GREAT LAKES INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES

Thursday, July 11, 2019

STEALING FROM THE SICK: A gap in checking corruption


The history of accountability and corruption scandals in Uganda is weary, when you have an investigation as the one conducted by African Eye- BBC and the evidence of what is going on in government hospitals, you would imagine that the government would act quickly on such cases, but the evidence of little or no action is worrying. The government is caught up in many scandals today, with the center focused on the Bank of Uganda Money palette anomaly.

The Anti corruption Coalition of Uganda has over the years documented many corruption scandals that government officials have been involved in. Unfortunately, no tremendous punishments have been imposed to deter others from engaging all the same.
One can strongly assert that the government thrives on the mismanagement of funds and resources. There should be stringent punishments for public servants caught stealing from the people, for Ugandans to believe that something can be done and will be done to make sure that tax payers’ resources are not wasted.

In the wake of the “Stealing from the Sick” documentary, key questions come to our tables yet again; Are we as citizens, holding our leaders accountable in providing for us the basic public goods that we pay for? What are we doing to ensure service delivery in our constituencies and do we even know our stake in making sure that services reach us?

More than ever, civic engagement becomes very important in addressing issues of information sharing, participation and engagement of different local constituencies in their development and agencies. A person informed is empowered. Ugandans need to know what roles and responsibilities they play in holding their leaders accountable.

Can we trust the arms of government to provide comprehensive investigation, justice and resolution on those caught in the corruption scandals and mismanagement of this season? We need to be able to go beyond lamenting on what is and find working solutions with in our systems.

 The lines have been drawn and to keep quite is to choose the side of the perpetuators. We the people of Uganda and our government need to come to a resolve to prevent and curb the cancer that corruption is. Through whistle blowing for example, as witnessed in the documentary, refusing to give bribes and holding our leaders accountable even before the election season, we can collectively choose to work for the greater good for our people and the progress of our Country.

Tricia Gloria Nabaye
RESEARCH FELLOW AT GREAT LAKES INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES


Tuesday, June 25, 2019

ON JOURNEYS TOO BROKEN

And there I was, me the master of chaos
Caught up in a lovers trail
Two people who had just gotten engaged carried all of us broken as we were to celebrate their new milestone 

And there he was, the epitome of my mistakes. Him who felt like home for very many years or maybe the thought of home in him overwhelmed me I had no way around not seeing his unreadiness.

And so the night wavered on, me more angry than the moment I walked in. Not sure if I loved this man or loathed him. And so the bottle in front of me did the talking, I tried to swallow but what do you swallow when every glance towards him brings me pain and an ache I couldn’t dismiss even if I wanted to.

And so the hours went on, me not sure what to do with him and him...Well I might never know where he stands through it all. You see, he taught me not to trust the tongue...not even from the person whose presence awakens me in all areas of my life.


Citizen engagement is pivotal for the National dialogue.


In the ever-receding space for dissent in Uganda, we need to continually create shock absorbers and tension deterrents for the people and government. Our history of bloodshed disqualifies war as an alternative solution to our differences and so dialogue is the way to go.
In the post- independence era, Uganda has gone through civil wars, coup-d'etats and turmoil yet here we are inspite of the journey that got us here. In the wake of our desire to create a better Uganda for ourselves and those coming after us, we need to encourage dialogue on how we get ahead in our journey as a Nation.
The Uganda National Dialogue convened by the Inter-Religious Council of Uganda and The Elders Forum Uganda, is one unprecedented platform working towards “The Uganda we want. For a successful process, the inclusion and participation of the local citizenry is paramount. Platforms at the grassroots, therefore, must be created to cultivate a national character of the dialogue.
 At its fulcrum, the national dialogue should be inclusive and citizen owned. We want a dialogue that is not just a project but rather a soul searching reflection to fix our existential political, economic and social issues. This dialogue can stop Ugandans from plunging into a war or civil uprising; the National dialogue is framed to provide adequate platforms for all stakeholders to channel their ideas and opinions.
Incorporation of discussions and debate on local, national and international levels as a means for local and regional officials to hear the community views on public issues is of great importance. The upside of an informed citizenry is that they can hold their leaders accountable and task them to perform better and improve service delivery to their constituencies. It is therefore imperative for us to push for dissemination of information on dialogue to the smallest unit of governance in Uganda.
In fostering dialogue, we can find working solutions within our communities, using a blend of traditional informal systems like local and city council meetings and new digital solutions for dialogue like social media, video interfaces, and mobile applications among others. Civic engagement reaffirms the need for inclusion and transparency and deliberate public participation. Broad participation can be achieved by linking local dialogues to the national dialogue and that can be fully realized in the public consultations on the eight thematic issues highlighted by the dialogue.
 Adding digital solutions to dialogue in the wake of digital space dominance can improve citizen participation by continuing civic dialogue online. Ugandans can then use the available platforms to raise funds, track on the progress of the dialogue within their communities and follow media appearances of their leaders and conveners.
Key to note is that dialogue is not necessarily absent in our society but in abeyance. We are a generation that would rather talk at each other than talk to each other. As Ugandans, we need to champion ownership of change and in discourse we make room for civic engagement and public legitimacy of the dialogue process.
Therefore, educating Ugandans on how dialogue processes work influences their participation because an enlightened citizenry is more aligned to ask for better service delivery, accountability and engagement. With an agenda that addresses the underlying issues of our country, a clear mandate on all processes that the National dialogue will undertake, we can use the best practices herein to achieve our desired goal and vision for a better Uganda.

Tricia Gloria Nabaye.
RESEARCH FELLOW AT GREAT LAKES INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES

Monday, June 10, 2019

ON WHY WE DIE SO EASILY


I remember a few years back, Out of the blue, I developed a teratoma in the most unexpected places-the butt cheek. I spent over three months asking the nurses I worked with at the hospital what that was and for some reason it never dawned on me that asking a doctor was an option:One, because the doctors that were available were male and Two: The plastic surgeon was not around. Eventually the pain grew on me and as timely as the universe can be sometimes, the surgeon showed up when I couldn’t take the pain anymore, amidst my fear of him seeing my butt, I went in and saw him, had surgery scheduled that very day and had the procedure to remove the teratoma.

Looking back on the possibilities of a graver situation and the time I spent worried of the male doctors and them seeing my butt, I realized that they are many people that show up just a little too late to be helped out of their demise.

I have heard many times doctors say, “If only you had come earlier” sometimes some just give a stern exclaim;”If you had come a day late, it would’ve been bad news” And it got me thinking, why are we scared of the one thing that could give us hope? I know many people worry that going to the hospital to do checkups is tempting the devil or evil beckoning things that are not there in the first place but the upside to knowing your health status is in surviving grave situations.

We need to invest in our health and in finding help sooner than later. In saying that, I realize that it has been a few years since I last had a dental appointment and absurdly it has taken tooth sensitivity to create a desire to check in with the dentist never mind the fact that I am a little scared to show the dentist my teeth lest he is in awe of the damage and the length of period it took me to check in.

So I am going to go nevertheless, To get fixed, for it is ever so useless to take care of the material things like cars(have them serviced) Renovate houses, only to have your system bail out on you.

Thursday, June 06, 2019

ON WHY IT IS VERY IMPORTANT TO UNITE UGANDANS FOR ANY PROGRESS TO BE ACHIEVED



As a Ugandan, my biggest challenge has been to identify as one in a pool of sects that lie across the divide and have been ingrained in the population of this land.

We are divided by language, tribal orientation, political belonging among other trivial aspects like football most especially European teams. In as much as society is made out of belonging, the bigger face of our identity would be “Ugandan”. We are supposed to be first Ugandan before we subscribe to any other sect of our society. 
Peculiar of us, is that we are more Ugandan abroad than home. We identify more with our nationality away from home and the thirst to escape this land keeps on growing by the day.

This is the first discussion point in the long journey of creating progress in most of the initiatives for transformation in Uganda. We need to unite as a people raised in diversity which for the better part should be good, because everyone ultimately has something to offer to the transformation of our nation. I have seen Ugandans unite and come together and express their "Ubuntu" on many occasions. Ugandans have supported the National teams unconditionally.
 Ugandans run successful health drives to help the ailing Ugandans in our society. And so it is in that spirit that one can arguably conclude that the sense of oneness and community is not alien to us.

Therefore; in the vie for development and transformation of our country, we as the people need to push for patriotic oneness embedded ever so strongly in our heritage as Ugandans. It is of great importance because everything else that we are to accomplish as Ugandans lies in our ability to realize our duty as Ugandans.

The truth in the slogan, " Together we stand, divide we fall" is evident in our history as a nation from the colonial times, when the colonialists implored divide and rule to conquer Uganda. Our strength as a people lies in standing united, in bringing our diverse heritage and forge away forward as one people, in taking pride in our diversity and Ugandaness.

We need to unite and push for Nation pride and be supportive of home grown products and services. We need to support initiatives that put Ugandans at the forefront of their development and governance. In loving our country and uniting for its betterment lies our ability to work together, prosper together and progress forward as a Nation.

In the words of Jesus Christ, "And if a house is divided against itself, that house cannot stand". Mark 3:25

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